A history in brief:
Myanmar,
with population around 60 million, is a multicultural state, officially
comprising of 135 sub-groups in eight major ethnicities; Chin, Kachin, Kaya,
Kayin, Mon, Rakhine, Shan and Bamar. These seven ethnic groups occupy the
peripheral mountainous areas of the country, which make up 60 per cent of the
land area where most of natural resources are abundantly deposited exclusive of
gas and oil, while the Bamar ethnic group, by contrast, representing two third of
the population, inhabits the centre, also called as the mainland. For this
reason, the Burmans for ethnic groups are called the “plain people [me paint
lumyo]”. To speak in view of the administration, there are seven ethnic states divided
and seven divisions formed from the Bamar ethnic group – a practical knowledge
inherited from the divide-and-rule system of British colonization.
Back to
century-old history, the major kingdom, Bagan in the seventh century successfully
could build the Buddhist pagodas and shrines by a highly advanced architectural
expertise before a bunch of cathedrals appeared in Europe. In particular, none
of any magnificent building constructed like Shwedagone pagoda could be found in South East Asia regions until
the beginning of the 19th century. What is more significant is that
when addressed national speech during the 1960s, Lee Kuan Yew, the architect
and prominent leader of Singapore praised Myanmar as a good example by
encouraging his citizens to reach the standards and education level of Myanmar
within the next two decades. Yet, when it comes to computer know-how, Myanmar could
only enjoy technical assistance from Singapore’s computer scientist who helped
create Burmese fond after twenty five years of possessing at hands. Receiving
computer ahead of their neighbors, with many western students studying in the
popular University of Rangoon was indeed a short blooming period of the country
at the time.
The
country, formerly known as Burma, has been since under the whims of despotic
leaders for generations, including military leaders of the post-independence
era. There was instant hope while general Aung San, who is known as a visionary
and charismatic leader, led the country in fighting against the forces of Japan
and British. But very soon before having tasted of what he sowed with blood and
sweat, he was assassinated by the crooked politician. And there is no brave
leader ever since, except U Thant, who became the fourth general secretariat of
United Nations. The story of Aung San’s assassinatoin is in fact highly contagious
and controversial in the country with many theories still remain unsolved,
although citizens are informed that former prime minister U Saw was the
mastermind of behind-the-scene which is taught in school curriculum until to
date. The legendary name of general Aung San, nonetheless, is very much alive
and cannot be tarnished by even the cruelest regime in the world. More to the point, he is revered as the
founding father of the Myanmar Army [Tat-ma-taw] and is also considered as the
father of the modern Myanmar, not to mention about being a father of the leader
of opposition party, NLD (National League for Democracy), Aung San Suu Kyi.
Following
the death of general Aung San, once ever hailed as a very fast developing
country across South East Asia nations had begun crossing the dark line. Then confusion
arose so much so that the state lost direction and twisting into a pariah state
with the lack of will and vision to resolve the most fundamental problem facing
the country which is called Panglong Agreement (PA) designed to create
unionship combining the ethnic groups and the Burmans on equal foot and signed in
Panglong village in the territory of ethnic Shan state by all ethnic minority
representatives except for one group.
At the
start of independence, there was a wind of change opened wide, embracing the
best chance to develop the country by unifying the great divide and practical
implementation of the Panglong agreement with respect and dignity. Despite the
fact that the country gained the status as sovereignty-state after decades of rule
under the British colony, the country did not savor the fruit of the truthful spirit
of self-determination and democracy. Leaders appointed from Sat Sui Teik, U Nu
to Ne Win and to the last dictator, Than Shwe, all were a failure to pushing
the country forward for a basic human development because there was no
pragmatic changes implemented during their rules by the wisdom of sorcerer. Instead
the country was forcibly dragged down into a socialist state ruled by the
iron-fist of dictators. Over the last five decades, the ruling leaders lacked
knowledge and vision in progressing the nation by lifting poverty line and
making infrastructure development. Also the worst is that the education system
was systematically ruined—making the country’s status extremely low in global
scale. Until the recent reform introduced in 2011, much of the system used in
the country was directly or indirectly duplicated from the Chinese Community
Party (CCP) led by Mao Zedong, however, talking about communism in public was sensitive
and punishable under the military rule. Part of the reason in this regard is believed
to be linked to the war waged against the communist faction by the Anti-Fascist
People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) founded by general Aung San, a group that went
underground at the post - independence era. Needless to say, the role of the
first president elect Sai Sui Teik, who is an ethnic Shan, was not so much
recognized—the fact only a few people know.
The root cause of chronic problem:
Into the
best situation came while Myanmar had in the 1962s, the country’s achievement
in architect, arts and education system were maintainable. Rather, the country
was plummeting down to the Stone age devastating the entire country; making the
country without a system. With the selfish backing of China, Singapore and
Thailand, dictators bigheadedly lasted long enough. While enjoying power
mercilessly, they became the most cruelest dictators in history for making
their own country at the bottom of every index in the world over half a century.
For observers
as well as people around the globe may puzzle how the military regime could
survive over nearly five decades of facing severe sanctions imposed by the
western countries. The answer best thought to be neutral is that resources from
ethnic lands are extracted, exploited and sold to the neighboring countries,
such as, China, Singapore, Thailand at the expense of local lives. All
corruptions and crimes committed by the regime are partly shared with these
countries. China and Singapore are the staunchest supporter of Myanmar’s
dictators and military regime by accelerating to be leading investors in the
country, particularly in areas related to the country’s natural resource
sectors. Singapore has been long standing as a safe haven for Myanmar dictators
and elite generals’ families. Central to the political deadlock is that the
ruling regime viewed implementing Panglong agreement as a threat to their
survival and a way to be under the hands of the handful ethnic minority groups,
which is a cancerous perception hold by almost the whole Burman population.
This fear is solely grounded in a policy that underpins a rotating system for
the position of head of state that needs to be guaranteed if implemented
Panglong agreement.
Against
the backdrop of all issues, implementing Panglong agreement is viewed as the
sole window through which all states can be integrated. Even so, those golden
chances were spoiled by the rise of religious radicalism and nationalism again —
fearing the country would be in ascendancy of non-Buddhist religion in the
future if secularism was to introduce at large. Because of this chronic fear,
the government secretly planned ethnic cleansing programme through department
of religious affairs and by which the ethnic groups are treated by the Burmans
as if other immigrants and illegal in the country. Although many of the crimes
committed against its own citizens by the military dictators are extremely
exceeding the prosecurability of war crimes against humanity, only less than
adequate, however, voices were brought up by the international community, but lopsidedly
praise the uniformed change. Hundreds of thousands of ethnic lives have been
lost. A great loss to the nation as well.
The
ethnic cleansing program was carried out by four cuts [govt code] in ways of political,
economic, coercive and communication means. This extreme discriminatory action only
denotes a tendency towards the growing extensity, intensity, velocity and
deepening impact of the already-existed diversity and conflict between the
Bamar ethnic led government and ethnic armed resistance.
Causes and effects of religious extremism, radicalism,
and nationalism
The critical causes:
On
assessing Myanmar, it is likely impossible to understand the country as a whole
without understanding Buddhism. To the westerners, Buddhism is about attaining
enlightenment, and maybe, nirvana through such peaceful methods as meditation
and yoga. Although the truth is that the religion [Buddhism] has nothing to do
about the political, economic and cultural organizations, institutions, the
religious institutions doubled by a deep-rooted dogma tend to play the game,
sometimes far more of a decisive political game, in just protecting their
interests; a view for many [non-Buddhist communities] to be above the political
arena. To be honest, the culture of Burmans, who entered the central Burma
before the ninth century, contains the elements of the ancient Pyu civilization
they absorbed and Buddhist culture of the Mon kingdom they conquered. Burman
kings ruled for approximately one thousand years in which the occurrence of
massacre and assassination against each other became a common prognosis.
According to Burmese historians, the Burman kings did not even attempt to
provide the country’s highly autonomous minority groups with direct leadership.
Yet, concerning religion, most of the eastern parts of the ethnic minority groups
engrossed Buddhism because of the dominant influence of the kings and monarch—more
to the fact that almost the entire Burman population were believed to be
Buddhist at that time.
Looking back
to the colonial milieu, political analysts suggest that the Britian’s abolition
of Burmese monarchy in 1885 exacerbated the latent tensions between the Burmans
and ethnic minority groups, which increased with the advent of Burman-led nationalism.
Maung Zarni, Burmese scholar and expert claimed that Christian colonial also
displaced the Buddhist hierarchy, encouraging the Burmans to equate Buddhism
and later, socialist ideas with nationalism, and Christianity with colonialism
and capitalism. Critics say that this seems to be biased as the British colonial
would likely hardly encourage the Burmans to equate Christianity with
colonialism and capitalism, so to speak. Since 1930s, Buddhism, socialism,
nationalism has been intertwined, Marxist concepts easily translated into
Buddhist terms. Throughout the British rule from 1924 to 1948, Biddhism had a vital
role in contributing to the formation of a common national identity, providing
a basis for concerted anti-imperialist efforts among disparate social classes
and ethnolinguistically diverse Buddhist community with conflicting political
interests. Even worse, the dominant Burmans remains potently ethnonationalist,
essentializing Buddhism as the core of an authentic Myanmar national identity. The
critical point here is that the military government never attempted to address
racial and social harmony, though the country itself is a multicultural and
colorful society by nature. Regardless, the extremely superstitious Biddhist
leaders are idiotically inclined to listening to the advices given by the
sorcerer in running the country. As a result, they make the religion, Buddhism
as state religion amidst vast diversity and consistent resistance from ethnic
minority groups.
For a
country that is in crisis so much struggling to solve the long-existing problem
directly links to major ethnic groups, it is not logical to prioritize the
agenda of Rohinyas and Muslim minority whose population is thought to be up to
2.5 million. Discrimination and maltreatment against these minority groups within
the country is never fair and acceptable. But more importantly, what holds the
country back for nearly half a century is not because of the events related to
Rohinyas and Muslim, but because of the grounded fear to implement federalism and
self-determination under Panglong agreement with seven ethnic minority groups and
which is the political deadlock for decades. What is recently happening against
Rohinyas and Muslim minority is not an unusual thing. It is because in the
military regime systematic ethnic cleansing has been long existing secrecy as
is stated earlier. The strategy has been targeting ethnic Christian Chin and
Kachin, Karan minority groups. By comparison with what has faced Christian
ethnic minority groups under this detrimental strategic ethnic cleansing and
threatening discrimination, the recent hiatus between extreme Buddhist and
Muslim thugs is not worth to mention.
The loose effects
Religious
radicalism is a state-sponsored act. This produces religious nationalism. There
are so many common trends similarly occurring in the Middle East countries and
South East Asia countries, esp, Bangledesh, Malaysia, Myanmar and Thailand. More
important and less recognized is the fact that as the neo-Nazi religious
groups, such as Mabatha and 969 led by Ashin Wirathu, nicknamed as “the Burmese
bin la din” have strongly grown, they have adjusted and accommodated themselves
to the vast followings. Examining their radical movement will give us a sense
of the broader rise of religious authority in the country. The Saffron
revolution in September, 2007 after the failure of the 1988 Student uprising
shows religious leaders, esp, the monks dared to stand up and challenge the
hegemony of military dictators while many rich families sent their sons to join
the military academy; a way to buy power and to be supportive members of
dictators.
So, the
newly spring-up 969 and Mathaba movement fully took advantage of the popularity
achieved from the 2007 revolution. These
groups are well aware of state government’s indirect involvement on the
movement, with the notion that the state government is sure to back all
Buddhism related causes. The state government intervention in the case of Ashin
Wirathu banning Time magazine in the country due to being prescribed as The
Buddhist Terror is a direct clue of the long-existing institutionalized
discrimination against non-Buddhism community. The motto they hold up is, just
to prevent the influx of jihadist export into the country, adding that Myamar
needs to exercise precaution. On the other hands, what happens around
neighboring countries, India where majority Hindus discriminated against Muslim
minority and Siri Linka whereas Buddhism is extremely strong—often times
hurting non-Buddhist communities, esp, Christian and Muslim alike, has a
massive repercussion in Myanmar.
Just murmuring
by mouth piece media from the international community, as before, never works
out in terms of tackling the domestic issues. And international media rushing
to pouring out condemnation against the government at this stage in the case of
Rohinyas is useless, too. Because they miss the point. First thing needs to be
first. It is just a small part of the impact just dropped out from the conflict
between ethnic groups and central government.
The
growing religious protectionism paves the way to create the Religious
Conversion bill which orchestrates worldwide condemnation. And there will be
grave consequences if practically implemented. This can be another strategic recall
or neo-ethnic cleansing program. It is also necessary to ask the question over
who do this. It is the act from ministry of religious affairs. That is the tipping
point of what I view as a state-sponsored institutionalization towards the non-Buddhist
community at large not only the Muslim community in particular.
The
recent development of religious extremism is not a new phenomenon, but a signal
that recalls the long-existing history of Buddhism worshipped by the majority
of the population who deny the multicultural and pluralistic society. So, it is
a kind of a history retold.
Truth, the
primary cause and effect of the religious extremism was begun with the commencement
of U Nu’s leadership; during his campaign titiled as “Golden Burma will be
Buddhist Nation” he promised two things—to provide every single family with a
concrete–brick house the same as a kind of villa. The second is to transform
the nation status as Buddist state, meaning to claim Buddhism as a state
religion, not even thinking the role of ethnic minority and their religions.
Nothing could stop him but became much of a great delight for Buddhist
conservatives as well as the Buddhist religious who lacked the essential common
view of what is necessary for the future of
Myanmar.
The cost
of the mob-rule election favored U Nu to be the president elect. Soon after,
his administration started building the Buddhist temple in Kaba Aye, northern
suburbs of Yangon, also known as Rangoon with the money borrowed from world
bank and said to be more than $ 4 billion dollars. The money is equivalent to $
24 billion dollars at today’s value. The temple is so big and magnificent that
it remains the biggest Buddhist temple in the world and it can house thousands
when world Buddhist conference was held once in two years there. However, that
was the starting point of U Nu’s downfall, leaving the political vacuum
unsolvable by any of his administration. In other words, he was extremely
short-sighted that he never attempted to understand the role of ethnic minority
and their vast land geography. The wage of being unable to run the country
resulted in the bloodless coup d’etat by Ne Win, who was regarded as
short-temper, extremely superstitious and heavily relied on astrologers and
soothsayer.
At last
not the least, it is learnt that the majority of Buddhist population, including
politicians are divided in political views, but united in the cause of religion
protectionism which gives birth to religious extremism and radicalism. The
feasible solution to this appears to be to create the rule of law set to be
above all social fabric, under which justice system rules a nation. However,
this will be of a great test for the super religious majority and will be hard
to be materialized because all power-crazy leaders throughout the generations
walked above the law. Of all matters, solving the ethnic-government conflict in
a political manner will be a win win solution and can help quell the religious
sensitive issues as a direct impact. Myanmar is indeed in a defining moment.
What can determine the future truly lies in the result of the much-waiting election
of 2015.
References:
1. Even, Osnos, The Burmese Spring, New Yorker, Vol 88,
issue 23.
2. Sharma, Anuradha and Vishal Arora, Nirvanaless: Asian
Buddism’s growing fundamentalist streak, Washington post, May, 2014.
3. Zarni, Maung, Buddhist Nationalism in Burma, Tricycle,
spring, 2013.
4. Zin, Min, The People vs The Monks, New York Times,
June 04, 2014.
5. Kuhn, Anthony, Are Buddhist monks involved in
Myanmar’s violence?, Morning edition, May 17, 2013.
6. Hammer, Joshua, Smithsonian, How she overcame, Sep
2012, Vol 43, issue 5.
